SLIDE 1

Disaster by Management:
Marijuana Cultivation in
National Forests and National Parks

Christine M. Rodrigue
Department of Geography
California State University
Long Beach, CA 908410-1101
https://home.csulb.edu/~rodrigue/
rodrigue@csulb.edu
01 (562) 985-4895

Eugenie Rovai
Social Sciences Program and
Department of Geography and Planning
California State University
Chico, CA 95929-0450
erovai@csuchico.edu
01 (530) 898-6091
with the assistance of Janna Waligorski
Social Sciences Program
California State University
Chico, CA 95929-0450
Presentation to:
Association of American Geographers
Boston, 17 April 2008

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Eugenie Rovai and I are hazards geographers who often collaborate on one another's projects. A few years ago, I began to investigate risk communication issues within public bureaucracies as part of my interest in the interaction between risk assessment science and risk management policy. SLIDE 2 I call the framework I use "disaster by management." It was developed during case studies of NASA and the Columbia accident, the FBI and 9/11, and FEMA and Katrina.

Eugenie, meanwhile, began work on the use of National Forest and National Park lands by criminal syndicates growing marijuana. We realized that our two research directions complemented one another and, so, we began a new collaboration, the topic of today's comments. I will first lay out the basic elements of "disaster by management" from my earlier work and then summarize the highlights of Eugenie's work on the marijuana situation in public lands.

SLIDE 3 Disaster by management is the idea that disaster can be the result of risky situations interacting with complex bureaucratic structures. A bureaucracy segregates and ranks functions, such as risk assessment and risk management. Risk assessment messages have to filter upward through various layers of a bureaucracy. Each time, they are subject to competition from other concerns, which necessarily dilutes them. A risk message's urgency can be further diluted by managerial experience with other, similar situations that did not end in catastrophe, leading to the "normalization of anomaly."

SLIDE 4 Managers hearing a risk message face a dilemma. Statisticians are familiar with these as Type I and Type II errors. Risk messages are unavoidably uncertain, probabilistic. You never know whether you are overreacting to a given risk by taking a precautionary approach, which could squander budget and opportunities. On the other hand, you don't know whether you are dismissing a serious risk by reacting only to situations that pass a certain minimal threshhold, a decision which then turns out to hurt human life or property. As a manager, you struggle to find the right balance, but you also have to worry about how your boss prefers to set the balance between these uncertainties.

SLIDE 5 Affecting this internal balance in public agencies is the widespread ideology of "managerialism," the belief that the private sector is inherently more efficient than the public sector and should be a rôle model for public agencies. This leads to quite a bit of concern about the costs of risk management and a pressure towards de minimis approaches, which, of course, weakens the precautionary principle.

Another element of "disaster by management" is "normal accident theory," the expectation that "stuff" will happen in complex systems and in complex institutions. Once disaster begins, it may be too late for humans to get on top of the cascading mess.

SLIDE 6 Institutional organization is another element that comes up repeatedly in the case studies. Complex bureaucracies or complex risk situations often feature multiple chains of command. Sometimes these are competing agencies in the same turf (e.g., the FBI and the CIA). Other times, there are functional divisions within a single agency that may not be allowed to share information, sometimes with good reason (e.g., the FBI's intelligence and criminal investigation divisions). In still other situations, a single person may answer to multiple chains of command (e.g., NASA).

Spatial organization expresses and amplifies these tensions. In all these situations, risk assessment science is lower in status and power than risk management policy, which can trivialize a risk message a bit. Many organizations feature many offices, but headquarters embodies the most powerful and prestigious parts of the bureaucracy. This sets up additional filters for risk messages to overcome: the geographical and psychological friction of distance.

SLIDE 7 The outcomes of these elements are predictably dismaying. Risk assessors and staff at local offices and low levels of the bureaucracy may be aware of a looming danger and try to communicate risk messages up the bureaucracy. There may be confusion about whom to notify. If the organization is highly hierarchical, there may be reluctance to hammer a manager with repeated, urgent messages, particularly if the manager is distracted by other concerns or irritated by hearing about the situation again. Managers may be too busy to react or reluctant to pester someone above them. Managers may be under killer pressure to keep budgets under control and projects on schedule, and they do not want to hear about a situation that may demand unscheduled expenditures and delays. The upshot is that risk messages have to overcome so much friction from so many sources that they may not trigger effective action until after major disaster strikes.

SLIDE 8 This may be the situation facing us in the National Forests and National Parks, especially in California and in the case study of the North State. For a couple of decades, these public lands have been increasingly used for growing marijuana. SLIDE 9 California leads the nation in terms of numbers and acreage of illegal marijuana plantations on public lands, but they are increasingly found everywhere in the US ( Florida, Texas, and Kentucky, to name a few).

SLIDE 10 At first, it was simply American countercultural types trying to avoid having their personal real-estate forfeited during a drug bust. SLIDE 11 As the 1990s shaded into the new millenium, however, the sheer scale of operations has exploded.

SLIDE 12 Joining "Ma and Pa" since the late 1990s have been Mexican drug cartels, especially after the post-9/11 border securitization. Cartels now dominate public lands dope growing. We are currently unsure which cartels are involved. Mexican Mafia prison gangs have been largely ruled out, and they may not be the cartels traditionally working territories along the US-Mexico border. SLIDE 13 Whoever they are, their gardeners are given $300 and run up from Mexico through safe houses and placed on site as early as April. Each is given some food and growing supplies, such as pesticides and fertilizers, irrigation supplies, shovels, and axes and a .22 caliber rifle. These gardeners (usually 2-3 per site) stay until fall when heavily armed cartel higher-ups join them for harvesting and removal of the crop. SLIDE 14 If the gardeners can make it through the whole cycle, they will be given $3,000, making them quite anxious to protect their crop. Additionally, their managers and employers are extremely violent outfits, who turn up in the gardens toward harvest time. SLIDE 15 The stage is set for confrontations between these desperate and armed crews and the unwitting user of the public lands and employees of public agencies. There have been sporadic confrontations between the crews and members of the American public who stumble accidentally onto their gardens.

SLIDE 16 There have been just epic impacts on local environmental conditions as well. There are staggering amounts of trash, human feces, fertilizers, pesticides, PVC piping, and lead in and around the hidden dwellings. SLIDE 17 Impacts on wildlife include poaching of bears and deer, to protect the camps and food supplies of the workers, to protect the crop, for food, and, sometimes in this kind of extreme isolation and boredom, just for fun. Pesticides are everywhere to keep down rodents that might attack the crop or living quarters. Native trees and shrubs are cleared, trimmed, poisoned, or girdled and killed in order to allow more sunshine through the canopy into the gardens. There are inadvertant impacts, too, notably the importation of invasive exotic species other than marijuana, such as Ailanthus altissima (tree of heaven), sometimes just on gardeners' footwear or the tire treads of vehicles used to drop off supplies.

SLIDE 18 Particularly impressive are the hydrological and geomorphic impacts of hidden marijuana cultivation. There is an amazing scale of water diversion associated with this activity, which entails the construction of small dams, plastic-tarp lined reservoirs for mixing of fertilizers, laying of miles of PVC piping to distribute water from these dams and from streams and springs, and chemical pollution downslope and downstream: There have been fish kills in Northern California downwater from these operations. The living areas and the growing areas are often terraced, because they are typically located in steep terrain, and these slopes are often unstable. Habitual commuting between the camps and the fields and out to get supplies has created soil compaction and accelerated erosion as well. Fish are killed, not just by chemicals, but by increased turbidity and deposition of these eroded materials.

SLIDE 19 Plants are not only grown on wilderness lands, but they are processed there, too, often being dried in hidden shelters just before the cartels come by to move the harvest and pay the workers. SLIDE 20 The camps and processing facilities are often elaborately camouflaged from aerial detection efforts.

SLIDE 21 Remote sensing is a tool that might help make patrolling of the public lands easier. Marijuana has a very distinctive spectal signature of reflectance, particularly in the blue-green and near-infrared, which can come through even a forest canopy. It has been sporadically used since the 1980s but often rather crudely. Contemporary hyperspectral and multispectral sensors are much better, but their use would require a major Federal commitment to fund frequent overflights or launch satellites and buy software and laborpower.

SLIDE 22 Without this, pot busts are serendipitous "whack and stack" affairs and so relatively rare that the cost to benefit ratio of growing pot in the public lands is favorable to the cartels. Particularly troubling with the "whack and stack" approach to law enforcement is that law enforcement's priority has to be arrest and termination of crime, not remediation of the environmental damage done by these operations. It is estimated to cost, on average, about $14,000 per acre to clean up and do basic restoration. Park and Forest Service agencies simply do not have funds to ramp up these activities to meet this new demand.

SLIDE 23 Eugenie has had a number of interviews and converations with US National Park and Forest Service personnel in the Whiskeytown National Recreation Area in Northern California between Redding and Eureka. SLIDE 24 Impacts there have been tremendous: Whiskeytown seems to be epicentral to pot growing in the North State.

Forest Service personnel report extreme frustration with the situation, given that the Forest Service and Park Service budgets have been very low Federal priorities over the last couple of decades. They are very understaffed and find that pot enterprises in their jurisdiction are forcing them to take on a law enforcement rôle for which they have little training or inclination. Because of the danger to wilderness users, they diligently report every garden they come upon, but the Federal and county law enforcement is so anxious to stay one step ahead of the growers that they cut the Forest Service out of the loop while they are conducting operations. These operations often require the cessation of Forest Service activities, from trail repair, through public education, to habitat restoration. These Forest Service activities, many of them costly and difficult logistically, are simply thrown into abeyance until law enforcement takes on a problem area, which they may or may not inform the Forest Service people about. Forest Service staff feel that the lack of communication from law enforcement is actively endangering the public by not taking advantage of the public communication functions of rangers.

SLIDE 25 In review, then, this marijuana situation has the earmarks of "disaster by management": There are competing chains of command involved, and they often work at cross-purpose. Law enforcement is rather secretive about information-sharing outside its own stovepipe SLIDE 26, which ironically cuts it off from people who can help improve their effectiveness through better GIS modelling. This secretiveness ironically puts more people at risk, because the Forest Service and the Park Service can't warn the public about situations they are not privy to.

SLIDE 27 Information flow is diluted. There is occasional public reportage, and Federal agencies report knowledge of the situation. There is little public outcry, however, which enables the normalization of anomaly by Federal level decision-makers. Tragedies do occur but only in the dribs and drabs of single individuals being shot at, and the public is notoriously underconcerned about risks that kill in ones and twos than in those that involve large numbers of simultaneous victims.

SLIDE 28 In conclusion, the public is in danger. So are the natural resources and environmental quality of its public lands. There is potential for the crazy levels of violence occasionally seen in parts of Mexico and Colombia due to drug cartels' activities. Environmental damage is pervasive and significant. And the problem is rapidly increasing across the country. A failure of effective managerial response now, at the Federal level, may allow the problem to scale up beyond any hope of control. SLIDE 29

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This document is maintained by: Christine M. Rodrigue
First placed on web: 04/19/08
Last Updated: 06/03/08